去年七月4，我的家人和我去长岛的朋友和她的家人欢度节日。 吃一些烤肉后，我们一群人决定沿着大海散步。 在沙滩上的心情这一天是节日。 从附近的派对音乐通过炒热肉的阴霾脉冲。 恋人牵手漫步的手。 傻笑的孩子互相追逐沿着木板路。
出手迅速，因为他们已经开始停止。 该男子的一些建筑物之间消失了。 胸胀，手在颤抖，我试图平息我哭的女儿，而我的丈夫，和我的朋友都在屏气凝神难以置信地看着彼此。 我转过身来检查猎人，俄勒冈州一所高中实习生谁是与我的家人了几个星期住，但她的电话。
我和朋友们在震惊的沉默目光锁定。 四个成年人之间，我们认为六度。 我们三个人是记者。 而不是我们的人想到打电话报警。 我们甚至还没有考虑它。
据我们所知，没有人受到伤害。 射手是很久不见了，我们看到的他只有一两秒钟后。 在另一方面，报警带来相当大的风险。 它携带邀请不敬，甚至人身伤害的非常现实的可能性。 我们曾经见过像对待犯罪嫌疑人的证人，知道黑衣人呼救警方的速度有多快可以结束翻边在警车的后面。 我们有些人知道黑专业人员谁愿意对他们没有任何理由得出枪。
对于那些你读这谁可能不黑，或者拉丁裔，这是我的机会告诉大家，在美国，美国的同胞的相当一部分必须由法律或接收正义公平对待小的期望。 这是可能的，这将作为一个惊喜给你。 然而，对于一个非常真实的程度，你在不同的国家长大了，比我有。
我们不是罪犯，因为我们是黑色的。 我们也不是莫名其妙的唯一的人在美国不希望生活在安全的社区谁。 然而，我们很多人不能从根本上相信谁是负责保持我们和我们的社区安全的人。
这是我们并不感到惊奇。 对于黑人，警察是“民权斗争的最持久的方面，”穆罕默德在纽约朔研究中心黑人文化的历史学家和导演说。 “这一直是种族的监视和控制的机制。”
在南方，警方曾经做过实施种族等级制度的肮脏的工作。 三K党和执法往往难以区分。 时代的黑与白的照片纪念路南警方sicced民权示威者德国牧羊犬和水管的力剥下皮脱黑人孩子。 执法官也参与或者以殴打，杀戮无数，黑南方人谁忘了自己的位置的失踪有关。
在北方，警方曾通过包含和控制大迁徙期间已经推进到产业带的崛起黑人人口，保护空格。 这是不寻常的北警察加入白小怪他们攻击的黑色房主试图进入白人社区，或者试图采取白民工预留作业黑人工人。 然而，他们严格执行流浪法，这给了他们广泛的酌情权，停止，问题，随意逮捕黑人公民追赶，府。
七月的最后四，在短短的几分钟，我们大人看着我们之间的交谈少年向警方，我们看到猎人变得有点像我们一样，她的信心有点动摇了，她的世界少一些稳定的地方。 猎人，谁是混血儿，并在大量白色区域与她的白人母亲生活，没有被暴露在警务许多美国黑人面对的问题。 她即将被。
在电话里，她只能提供最通用的犯罪嫌疑人的描述，这显然取得了官就行可疑的另一端。 通过解释，亨特告诉她只是16军官。 警察叫她回：一次，两次，然后三次，要求她的更多信息。 的相互作用开始感到来势汹汹。 “我不是在这里，”亨特说。 “我已经告诉你我知道的一切。”
第四次报了警，她看上去吓坏了。 她询问问她：“你真的想是有帮助的，还是你在这个参与？” 她惶恐的转向我们，她的声音。 “他们要来接我回家？”
卡拉不是出生在美国。 她来这里时，她是9，然后回到她的家乡巴巴多斯，她不给警察过多考虑。 这改变了，当她搬进了大量的黑色牙买加，皇后区。
卡拉说，她经常看到警察，往往白，停止和骚扰路人，几乎都是黑色的。 “你看警察所有的时间，但他们不和你说话。你看他们互相交谈，但唯一一次你看到他们与其他人互动，如果他们被顶起来，”她说。 “他们作出选择，并说他们不关心你，它会告诉你，他们在这里不是为你个人或谁看起来像你的人。”
卡拉自己在年轻的被捕年龄，因为她在场时，她的表妹通过地铁旋转门推不付。 青少年被铐，扔在一辆囚车，预订并举行过夜。 在15，卡拉，然后一名学生在道尔顿学校，在曼哈顿著名的私立学院，曾逮捕的纪录。
“我是一个负责任的成年人，但我真的看不出有不同的反应。这不是很奇怪吗？” 她告诉我。 “通过调用警察，你是邀请这个大系统，坦率地说，不喜欢你，走进你的生活。有时你打电话，这是不是自带的帮助。”
我搬到了布鲁克林2011的历史贝得福得Stuyvesant附近。 在此之前，我一直生活在俄勒冈州波特兰市，当我选择了我的新家在坚韧不拔的大城市，这部分是因为它只是一个街区之遥，从一个警察分局。 这接近让我感觉更安全，我想通犯罪会与附近的这么多警察较少见。 不经意间，不过，我也选择了城市的停止和搜身程序一个警务系统陷于其拉网式的一位联邦法官发现，这么多无辜的黑色和棕色男士的首选目标区域 违宪 在2013。
My block is fairly typical of Bed-Stuy. My neighbors, until recently, were all black and included everyone from laborers to college professors. Both immaculately kept brownstones and boarded-up townhouses line my street. We have block meetings and a community garden. Police are a constant presence, speeding down the street to the precinct or walking the beat. Sometimes, I escort my daughter to the store underneath police watchtowers with tinted windows that pop up around the neighborhood with no warning, then disappear just as suddenly—their entire existence ambiguous yet alarming. I have witnessed from my window, countless times, police stopping someone, usually a young man, who is walking down the street. These men are often searched and questioned as they go to the bodega or head home from work or school.
A few months ago, a police officer approached my neighbor as he was leaving the bodega and began questioning him. My neighbor is quiet and respectful, but he also is poor and transient. He tends to look disheveled, but the worst thing I've seen him do is drink beer on the stoop.
When he asked why he was being stopped, the police grabbed him and threw him to the ground. As someone recorded the incident on a cellphone, police shot my neighbor with a Taser gun and then arrested him.
He was never told why police stopped him. The only thing they charged him with was resisting arrest. But this arrest cost him his job and a fine he will struggle to pay. If he doesn't pay, a judge will issue a bench warrant, and instead of preventing crime, the police will have created a criminal.
When You're Black, the Police is Not Your Friend
Across the street and a few doors down from me, my neighbor Guthrie Ramsey has his own story. Guthrie was born in Chicago and grew up in a family that did not emphasize the obstacles their children would face. "I was socialized to believe that the police were our friends," he said.
Yet one night, some years ago, while driving his teenage son to a soccer game, Guthrie was pulled over by police. Within minutes, he and his son were sprawled on the ground, with guns drawn on them. The police believed Guthrie fit the description of a suspect. Guthrie, a short, easy-going guy with a contagious laugh, managed to point the police to his University of Pennsylvania faculty ID. That's right: He's an Ivy League professor. And a noted musician.
"It was so frightening. It was humiliating. You get so humiliated that it's hard to even get to the anger," he told me. "You just don't get to experience interactions with the police as a garden-variety circumstance."
These types of stories in black communities are so ubiquitous as to be unremarkable. If my husband is running very late and I cannot get hold of him, my mind does not immediately go to foul play. I wonder if he's been detained.
This fear is not unjustified. Young black men today are 21倍 more likely to be shot and killed by police than young white men. Still, it's not that black Americans expect to die every time they encounter the police. Police killings are just the worst manifestations of countless slights and indignities that build until there's an explosion.
The Face of Inequality
Since 1935, nearly every so-called race riot in the United States—and there have been more than 100—has been sparked by a police incident, Muhammad says. This can be an act of brutality, or a senseless killing. But the underlying causes run much deeper. Police, because they interact in black communities every day, are often seen as the face of larger systems of inequality in the justice system, employment, education and housing.
In the months since Ferguson, many pundits have asserted that black Americans deserve this type of policing, that it is a consequence of their being more likely to be both the perpetrators and victims of violent crime. "White police officers wouldn't be there if you weren't killing each other," former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani 争论 on 媒体见面 as the nation awaited the grand jury decision in the Michael Brown shooting. It should be noted that Giuliani oversaw the NYPD during two of the most notorious cases of police brutality in recent memory, the sodomy of Abner Louima and the death of Amadou Diallo, who was unarmed, in a hail of 41 bullets. Both were black men.
What Giuliani was saying, in essence, is that law-abiding citizens deserve to be treated with suspicion because they share racial traits with the tiny number among them who commit crimes.
Black communities want a good relationship with law enforcement because they want their families and property to be safe. After all, it is true that black communities often face higher rates of crime; in 2013, more than 50％ of murder victims across the country were black, though only 13％ of the total population is. But it's also true that crime reduction efforts by black people in black communities have contributed to the recent, historic drop in crime across the country.
So why are black Americans still so often denied the same kind of smart policing that typically occurs in white communities, where police seem fully capable of discerning between law-abiding citizens and those committing crimes, and between crimes like turnstile-jumping and those that need serious intervention?
"You can be protected and served," Muhammad says. "It happens every day in communities across America. It happens all the time in white communities where crime is happening."
We're All In This Together
During the height of the "Black Lives Matter" protests, a mentally ill man shot and killed two police officers a few blocks from my home. I lay up that night thinking about those two men and their families. No one wants to see people killed. Not by police, not by anyone. The next morning, my husband and I took food and flowers to the grim brick precinct right around the corner from us that the officers were working out of when they were killed.
The officer at the front desk did not greet us when we came in. And he looked genuinely surprised by our offering, his face softening as he told us we didn't have to do this, but thank you. That people who should be allies somehow felt like adversaries troubled me.
The next day, I drove by the precinct on my way to the store. It had been cordoned off with metal barricades. Two helmeted officers stood sentry out front, gripping big black assault rifles, and watching. The message felt clear.
They weren't standing out there to protect the neighborhood. They were there to protect themselves from us.
Nikole汉娜·琼斯2011年末加入ProPublica和覆盖，重点是在住房和学校的种族隔离和歧视的公民权利。 她的联邦故障2012覆盖实施具有里程碑意义的1968公平住房法案获得多个奖项，其中包括哥伦比亚大学的Tobenkin奖种族或宗教歧视的尊贵覆盖。 Nikole赢得了专业新闻工作者太平洋西北地区卓越的社会新闻奖三次，在舆论监督的甘尼特基金会创新奖。